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Why Republicans Want a “Talking Filibuster” to Pass the SAVE Act
Senate Republicans push to revive the talking filibuster to pass the SAVE Act, which requires proof of citizenship for voter registration.
Senate Republicans push to revive the talking filibuster to pass the SAVE Act, which requires proof of citizenship for voter registration.
In the hallowed halls of the U.S. Senate, where the filibuster has long served as both a shield and a sword, a procedural revival is stirring among Republicans. The Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act, a bill mandating proof of U.S. citizenship for federal voter registration, cleared the House of Representatives last week on a party-line vote, but its path forward in the Senate is fraught with the 60-vote supermajority threshold required to overcome a filibuster. Now, a cadre of GOP hardliners is championing a return to the “talking filibuster,” a throwback to the chamber’s more theatrical past, as a means to muscle the legislation through. This push reflects not just electoral anxieties but a deeper reckoning within the Republican caucus over how far to bend Senate traditions in pursuit of President Donald Trump’s agenda.
At its core, the SAVE Act seeks to amend the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 by requiring documentary proof of citizenship, such as a passport, birth certificate, or REAL ID-compliant driver’s license, for individuals registering to vote in federal elections. Proponents, including Trump, argue it addresses a critical vulnerability: the potential for noncitizens to vote, a concern amplified by unsubstantiated claims of widespread fraud in the 2020 election. Critics, including voting rights advocates, warn it could disenfranchise millions of eligible voters who lack easy access to such documents, effectively imposing a modern poll tax.
The bill’s House passage, 219-210, was a triumph for Speaker Mike Johnson and House Republicans, who framed it as a bulwark against “election chaos.” Yet in the Senate, where Republicans hold a slim 53-47 majority, Democratic opposition ensures it will hit the filibuster wall unless 10 Democrats defect. That’s an unlikely scenario given the party’s emphasis on expanding voting access. Enter the talking filibuster: a strategy to revert to pre-1970s Senate rules, where opponents must hold the floor through continuous speech to sustain a blockade, rather than merely signaling intent in today’s “silent” version.
The talking filibuster harks back to the days of Strom Thurmond’s 24-hour marathon against civil rights legislation in 1957, forcing senators to deliver hours of uninterrupted oratory or yield the floor. Under this approach, Republicans could invoke the measure, compel Democrats to exhaust themselves in debate, and then pivot to a simple-majority vote (51-49, with Vice President JD Vance breaking a tie) once the opposition falters. It’s a procedural jujitsu, leveraging existing rules without the “nuclear option” of outright abolishing the filibuster, a step that could haunt Republicans if Democrats regain control.
This idea has gained traction among Trump’s fiercest Senate allies, who view the SAVE Act as non-negotiable for safeguarding future elections. Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), a constitutional scholar and filibuster reform skeptic in the past, now leads the charge. “Return to Senate tradition. Require filibustering senators to (gasp) actually speak,” Lee posted on X, adding, “Using existing Senate rules. Pass the SAVE America Act.” His proposal echoes a broader conservative call to action from groups like the Conservative Action Project, which urged Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) to “force [Democrats] to the floor and physically filibuster, that is, if they want to delay a simple majority vote on passage of the SAVE Act, they must continue to talk.”
Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), no stranger to filibuster theatrics, has been equally vocal. In a recent X video, Cruz declared, “I am a passionate supporter of the SAVE Act. We ought to nuke the zombie filibuster and require a talking filibuster if Democrats want to try to block it. Let’s force a vote and get it passed.” On Newsmax, he amplified the rhetoric: “We ought to force them to do a talking filibuster and make them talk until they collapse.” Cruz told Politico that forcing the tactic is “exactly what we should do,” and he’s “making the case vigorously” to colleagues.
Even from the House, pressure is mounting. Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) claimed on X that Thune had provided “assurances on the standing filibuster,” calling it “an old-school procedure to break through traditional norms to get voter ID passed.” Rep. Ben Cline (R-Va.) echoed the sentiment in a viral clip: “The filibuster should NOT stop something so common sense! We are putting a LOT of pressure!”
At the heart of this fervor is Trump himself, whose return to the White House has supercharged the GOP’s election overhaul ambitions. The former and current president has demanded filibuster Armageddon, posting on Truth Social: “The Republicans must ‘blow up’ the filibuster” and “Get rid of the filibuster and start voting.” For Trump allies, the SAVE Act isn’t just policy; it’s payback for perceived 2020 injustices and a bulwark against 2026 midterms.
Yet the caucus is far from unified. Thune, navigating a fractious Senate, has poured cold water on the idea, citing its “ramifications” and “opportunity costs.” “It’s going to take something that can entail a tremendous amount of effort, work and cooperation and at the expense of the other things we might be doing in the Senate,” he told reporters. On nuking the filibuster entirely, a step some hardliners flirt with, Thune is blunt: “There aren’t anywhere close to the votes, not even close.”
Moderates like Sens. Susan Collins (R-Maine) and Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) bolster support for the SAVE Act’s substance but draw the line at procedural overhauls. Sen. John Curtis (R-Utah) opposes “skirting around the filibuster,” warning, “We need to pass our conservative agenda, but not at the expense of our institutions.” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) concurs: “Filibuster changes, I think, change the Senate… Because the Senate becomes the House.” Even Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), a talking filibuster proponent, tempers his enthusiasm: “I’m a fan… especially as Democrats have proven more and more obstructionist.”
These fissures underscore a philosophical divide: For hardliners, the filibuster is an anachronism Democrats weaponized against Trump-era priorities; for institutionalists, it’s the Senate’s soul, a check against transient majorities.
Republicans’ fixation on the talking filibuster for the SAVE Act isn’t isolated. It’s symptomatic of a party recalibrating after years in the minority. By framing the bill as a bipartisan no-brainer (polls show broad support for citizenship verification), they aim to paint Democrats as enablers of fraud, energizing the base ahead of midterms. Success could embolden further rule tweaks for issues like border security or energy deregulation.
But failure looms large. As one X post from conservative commentator Daniel Horowitz noted, “If they had the ability to pass SAVE… by forcing a talking filibuster, then they could have done that any time.” Thune’s office has signaled discussions will continue, but with the legislative calendar crammed with Russia sanctions, farm bills, and infrastructure, the window may close.
In the end, this debate tests the GOP’s resolve: Will they revive the Senate’s oratorical ghosts to exorcise electoral demons, or preserve the filibuster as a legacy for leaner days? As Cruz put it, the choice is stark: talk or walk. For now, the floor remains open, but the clock is ticking.
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